A Brave New World essays

A Brave New World essays One may think that the society in Aldous Huxleys Brave New World is a gross representation of the future, but perhaps our society isnt that much different. In his foreword to the novel Brave New World, Aldous Huxley envisioned this statement when he wrote: "To make them love it is the task assigned, in present-day totalitarian states, to ministries of propaganda...." Thus, through hypnopaedic teaching (brainwashing), mandatory attendance to community gatherings, and the use of drugs to control emotions, Huxley bitterly satirized the society in which we live. The way the fascist and totalitarian regimes of the past used mass propaganda techniques to brainwash their people was very similar to the way Huxley described the hypnopaedic teachings in his novel. He also thought, however, that the present-day totalitarian states' methods were still "crude and unscientific." For example, in the novel the different classes had been brainwashed since birth to believe that they all contributed equally to society. Therefore, the people wouldn't try to think for themselves because they had never been trained to think anything differently. In addition, they didn't have any knowledge of a society that they could compare themselves to. In our society, many great lessons have been learned from the mistakes of rulers in the past. This is revealed when the Director said, "History is bunk." In our society, the dictators attempted to gain control of the world, but they usually failed because they weren't able to persuade the entire world to think like them. I n the past, Communist leaders have attempted to rewrite history, but in Brave New World, this was taken one step further; they forgot about history altogether. The only people who had access to any knowledge of the past were the ones who had the power: the World Controllers. Thus, they were able to create a society that fit their liking. ...

Sullivan Expedition in the American Revolution

Sullivan Expedition in the American Revolution Sullivan Expedition - Background: During the early years of the American Revolution, four of the six nations that comprised the Iroquois Confederacy elected to support the British.   Living across upstate New York, these Native American groups had built numerous towns and villages that in many ways eclipsed those constructed by the colonists.   Dispatching their warriors, the Iroquois supported British operations in the region and conducted raids against American settlers and outposts.   With the defeat and surrender of Major General John Burgoynes army at Saratoga in October 1777, these activities intensified.   Overseen by Colonel John Butler, who had raised a regiment of rangers, and leaders such as Joseph Brant, Cornplanter, and Sayenqueraghta these attacks continued with increasing ferocity into 1778.   In June 1778, Butlers Rangers, along with a force of Seneca and Cayugas, moved south into Pennsylvania.   Defeating and massacring an American force at the Battle of Wyoming on July 3, they compelled the surrender of Forty Fort and other local outposts.   Later that year, Brant struck German Flatts in New York.   Though local American forces mounted retaliatory strikes, they were unable to deter Butler or his Native American allies.   In November, Captain William Butler, the colonels son, and Brant attacked Cherry Valley, NY killing and scalping numerous civilians including women and children.   Though Colonel  Goose Van Schaick later burned several Onondaga villages in retribution, the raids continued along the frontier. Sullivan Expedition - Washington Responds: Under increasing political pressure to better protect settlers, the Continental Congress authorized expeditions against Fort Detroit and Iroquois territory on June 10, 1778.   Due to issues of manpower and the overall military situation, this initiative was not advanced until the following year.   As General Sir Henry Clinton, the overall British commander in North America, began to shift the focus of his operations to the southern colonies in 1779, his American counterpart, General George Washington, saw an opportunity for dealing with the Iroquois situation.   Planning an expedition to the region, he initially offered command of it to Major General Horatio Gates, the victor of Saratoga.   Gates declined the command and it instead was given to Major General John Sullivan. Sullivan Expedition - Preparations: A veteran of Long Island, Trenton, and Rhode Island, Sullivan received orders to assemble three brigades at Easton, PA and advance up the Susquehanna River and into New York.   A fourth brigade, led by Brigadier General James Clinton, was to depart  Schenectady, NY and move via  Canajoharie and Otsego Lake to rendezvous with Sullivans force.   Combined, Sullivan would have 4,469 men with which he was to destroy the heart of Iroquois territory and, if possible, attack Fort Niagara.   Departing Easton on June 18, the army moved to the Wyoming Valley where Sullivan remained for over a month awaiting provisions.   Finally moving up the Susquehanna on July 31, the army reached Tioga eleven days later.   Establishing Fort Sullivan at the confluence of the Susquehanna and Chemung Rivers, Sullivan burned the town of Chemung a few days later and suffered minor casualties from ambushes. Sullivan Expedition - Uniting the Army: In conjunction with Sullivans effort, Washington also ordered Colonel Daniel Brodhead to move up the Allegheny River from Fort Pitt.   If feasible, he was to join with Sullivan for an attack on Fort Niagara.   Marching with 600 men, Brodhead burned ten villages before insufficient supplies forced him to withdraw south.   To the east, Clinton reached Otsego Lake on June 30 and paused to wait for orders.   Not hearing anything until August 6, he then proceeded to move down the Susquehanna for the planned rendezvous destroying Native American settlements en route.   Concerned that Clinton could be isolated and defeated, Sullivan directed Brigadier General Enoch Poor to take a force north and escort his men to the fort.   Poor was successful in this task and the entire army was united on August 22. Sullivan Expedition - Striking North: Moving upstream four days later with around 3,200 men, Sullivan commenced his campaign in earnest.   Fully aware of the enemys intentions, Butler advocated mounting a series of guerrilla attacks while retreating in the face of the larger American force.   This strategy was adamantly opposed by the leaders of villages in the area who wished to protect their homes.   To preserve unity, many of the Iroquois chiefs agreed though they did not believe making a stand was prudent.   As a result, they constructed concealed breastworks on a ridge near Newtown and planned to ambush Sullivans men as they advanced through the area.   Arriving on the afternoon of August 29, American scouts notified Sullivan of the enemys presence. Quickly devising a plan, Sullivan used part of his command to hold Butler and the Native Americans in place with dispatching two brigades to encircle the ridge.   Coming under artillery fire, Butler recommended retreating, but his allies remained firm.   As Sullivans men commenced their attack, the combined British and Native American force began to take casualties.   Finally recognizing the danger of their position, they retreated before the Americans could close the noose.   The only major engagement of the campaign, the Battle of Newtown effectively eliminated large-scale, organized resistance to Sullivans force.    Sullivan Expedition - Burning the North: Reaching Seneca Lake on September 1, Sullivan began burning villages in the area.   Though Butler attempted to rally forces to defend Kanadesaga, his allies were still too shaken from Newtown to make another stand.   After destroying the settlements around  Canandaigua Lake on September 9, Sullivan dispatched a scouting party towards  Chenussio on the Genesee River.   Led by Lieutenant Thomas Boyd, this 25-man force was ambushed and destroyed by Butler on September 13.   The next day, Sullivans army reached Chenussio where it burned  128 houses and large fields of fruits and vegetables.   Completing destruction of Iroquois villages in the area, Sullivan, who mistakenly believed that there were no Seneca towns west of the river, ordered his men to begin the march back to Fort Sullivan. Sullivan Expedition - Aftermath: Reaching their base, the Americans abandoned the fort and the majority of Sullivans forces returned to Washingtons army which was entering winter quarters at Morristown, NJ.   During the course of the campaign, Sullivan had destroyed over forty villages and 160,000 bushels of corn.   Though the campaign was considered a success, Washington was disappointed that Fort Niagara had not been taken.   In Sullivans defense, a lack of heavy artillery and logistical issues made this objective extremely difficult to achieve.   Despite this, the damage inflicted effectively broke the Iroquois Confederacys ability to maintain their infrastructure and many town sites.    Displaced by Sullivans expedition, 5,036 homeless Iroquois were present at Fort Niagara by late September where they sought assistance from the British.   Short on supplies, widespread famine was narrowly prevented by the arrival of provisions and the relocation of many Iroquois to temporary settlements.   While raids on the frontier had been halted, this reprieve proved short-lived.   Many Iroquois who had remained neutral were forced into the British camp by necessity while others were fueled by a desire for revenge.   Attacks against American settlements resumed in 1780 with an increased intensity and continued through the end of the war.   As result, Sullivans campaign, though a tactical victory, did little to greatly alter the strategic situation.   Selected Sources HistoryNet: Sullivan ExpeditionNPS: Sullivan ExpeditionEarly America: Sullivan Expedition

The decision to terminally wean a critically ill patient Article

The decision to terminally wean a critically ill patient - Article Example Nursing, as well as the other aspects of the medical profession, is one of the most demanding of tasks, requiring as much skill as an admirable character. Nursing care is directed towards the essential and comprehensive needs of the patient, as well as the needs of their families during the entire course of the medical treatment. This is especially important during the difficult times of passing away of the patient, where the role of the nurse is to relieve the symptoms and suffering associated with the process of dying, as well as the emotional burden that the family is left to cope with. "The nurse should provide interventions to relieve pain and other symptoms in the dying patient even when those interventions entail risk of hastening death. However, nurses may not act with the sole intent of ending a patient's life even though such action may be motivated to by compassion, respect for patient autonomy and quality of life considerations"1. First, it is important to understand that the terminally ill patients, no matter of their illness, are divided into 2 main groups. The first group is the patients capable of communicating with the environment and therefore are capable to make conscious decisions about their future treatment and medical care. The second are those that are unconscious, in particular those who are on life support systems. Both conscious and unconscious patients receive pain control medications to ease their suffering. Pain control is one of the basic treatments given to terminally ill patients. It relieves the physical, as well as the emotional stress of the family. According to latest protocols administrating the pain control medications begins with you examining patients' or the families' attitude toward pain control, and then toward a specific preferred assessment tool. You also need to perform a comprehensive pain assessment by reviewing pathophysiologic or psychological causes of pain. Don't forge t to asses the patients' response after an hour of administrating the analgesic. Also, immediately inform the doctor when the pain control regiment has reached the maximum limit, or there are sighs of adverse reactions. It is also important to explain to the patient (if possible) and his family that everyone has individual pain response to illness, and that pain control is important to proper medical care. Never to forget to review the pain medications' side effects. "Withdrawing ongoing life support is a dreaded but necessary therapeutic maneuver when life-supporting devices have become hindrances rather than benefits"2. Pain control medications are still administered to ease the passing of the patient. There are 2 methods of removal: terminal weaning in which the endotracheal tube is left in place as ventilation support is slowly withdrawn, and terminal extubation in which the endotracheal tube is abruptly removed and the patient is suddenly without ventilation support. Most doctors and medical personnel believe that "terminal weaning is the most desirable mode for both ergonomic and physiologic reasons. The continued

Social costs Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Social costs - Essay Example ce, the long-term unemployed people in these countries become discouraged and exit the labor force market prematurely instead of continuing to search for the jobs that have evaded them for a long while (Junankar, 2009). This is mainly likely for the older generation who are unemployed because they take quite longer to get jobs.   Most persons in these countries who have been unemployed suffer certain erosion in their acquired job skills since they haven’t been applying them. This is apparently a much bigger social problem for the individuals who have been out of employment for a long time. The erosion is even worse for individuals with skills in specific fields which change more rapidly (Junankar, 2009). Much unemployment also involves a waste of time as well as the country’s productivity.   The most noticeable difference in social costs of unemployment in the USA and Canada is in health care. Canadas healthcare performance is of higher quality on most factors than in the USA. Additionally, healthcare attention is universal for all Canadians. In the United States, the complaint is that most people are uninsured; therefore, do not have access to most basic health care amenities which Canadians are entitled to. This creates a burden on the emergency chamber services in the States which in turn increases healthcare costs significantly (Junankar,

Spectrums in physics Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Spectrums in physics - Essay Example Light forms a continuous spectrum but human eyes are only capable of seeing the spectrum of visible light corresponding to â€Å"a wavelength range of 400 to 700 nanometers and a color range of violet through red† (Kusterer, 2007). This means that normal human vision has a limited visual range and can perceive only to such an extent. Among the visible colors, violet has the shortest wavelength at 400 nm. Indigo follows it closely at around 445 nm while the wavelength for the blue light that gives color to the sky measures 475 nm. Green comes next with about 510 nm while yellow follows closely at 570 nm and orange at 590 nm. The last visible color in the spectrum is red, with a wavelength range of 650 nm through 700 nm. The colors with relatively longer wavelengths, red and orange, are usually â€Å"less efficiently scattered† so they are more readily seen at sunrise and sunset. Blue and violet light, on the other hand, are normally scattered. So far, this is the visible and observed spectrum of light of which the normal human eye is capable. (Kusterer, 2007) Since light is a continuous spectra, there are numerous wavelengths in the electromagnetic spectrum that normal human vision cannot perceive. Some of this light energy includes those with wavelengths that are too short for the human eye to see. These include ultraviolet light and the spectra of light that causes sunburns and the same light used for skin tanning. Another spectra of light which remains invisible to the human eye includes those with wavelengths that are considered too long for normal human vision to perceive. These include infrared light and those that make adjacent things hot such as light energy coming from the campfire or stove burner. Light spectra with very long wavelengths are usually significant in that they â€Å"radiate heat to outer space† for if they do not do so, the solar energy absorbed by the Earth would remain trapped and continue to heat the planet. (Kusterer,

Comparing US and Indias Abortion Laws

Comparing US and Indias Abortion Laws A REFLECTION OF AMERICAN JURISPRUDENCE ON THE INDIAN MILIEU OF LIBERALISED ABORTION POLICIES Abortion laws originated in the United Kingdom as early as 1803, but the credit of revolutionizing abortion laws and recognizing the inherent, perhaps inextricable right and liberty of women over their bodies can only be given to the United States—more specifically to the American Judiciary. From as early as Roe v. Wade, the American Judiciary has been reiterating womens rights as constitutional persons to terminate her pregnancy in the earlier stages and thereafter the State being given a role to play; hence making abortion legal for the first time in the Unites States in 1973. Even though senators and other policy-makers in several, if not all, states of the United States have tried to whittle down the basic premise of Roe v. Wade, it had been emphatically upheld in subsequent cases. After more than thirty years of taking firm root of the pro-abortion movement in the West, anti-abortion groups have again taken a radical stand by trying to control abortions through the introd uction of the Unborn Child Pain Awareness Bill of 2005(commonly known as Fetal Pain Legislation) and as many as twenty-three states in the USA have passed it to be an Act, which would require that abortionists disclose to women the reality that killing an unborn baby by abortion causes pain to the child. It would also require that women who were pregnant for more than twenty weeks would be given the choice of adopting anesthesia for their fetuses. Interestingly this move by the legislatures was said to find its basis on the judgments in Gonzales v. Carhart whereby the Supreme Court had held that the federal legislation banning partial-birth abortion was constitutional on its face. The issue of fetal pain arose amidst the partial-birth abortion debate. Supporters of the federal legislation argued that partial-birth abortion was excruciatingly painful for the fetus and that banning this abortion procedure would further the States legitimate interest in protecting the unborn child. Opp onents of the federal ban argued that there was no conclusive scientific evidence to support the hypothesis that a fetus is even capable of feeling pain. As a result of this partial-birth abortion controversy, legislations aimed at acknowledging and assuaging fetal pain during abortion came into being. In India, the debate on abortion laws as embodied in the Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act, 1971 has been swirling since the Bombay High Courts decision in Dr. Nikhil Dattar Ors. v. Union of India, whereby the Court going by a strict interpretation of the provisions in the Statute, refused to give a lady pregnant with a malformed fetus to abort since she was already in her twenty-fourth week of pregnancy as mandated by the Statute. Since then there have been urgent calls to amend the Statute as long-standing critiques of the policy were brought to the fore-front again. It has become critical at this juncture to look at the development of abortion law and policies in the West, part icularly in the United States, to gauge where India stands at this moment and whether, if at all, India should be inspired from the western counterpoint or take caution from the developments therein to better further its own interests in striking the perfect balance between liberty, autonomy and freedom of the individual versus the States right to interfere. I. INTRODUCTION The issue of abortion presents itself to the modern sensibility and understanding as a perplexing cocktail of moral, spiritual and legal questions. Indeed, the problem of regulating abortion is inherently an exercise in seeking out the equilibrium between an ever-increasing degree of medical empiricism that time and technology continually bring into the fluid domains of moral, religious and legal normativeness. Some of the several facets of the question, by their very nature, would fail to turn up with any one answer under the scrutiny of any court—normative questions of when life truly begins, whose life is more valuable and the relative â€Å"sanctity† of human life, potential and existing, are, as the courts themselves have recognized [1]—complex considerations of such a personal nature that courts had better leave them off their consideration list and if absolutely required to deal with such questions, then exercise the highest possible degree of sensitivity in dealing with them. The application of lenses as varied as the feminist, the medical, the bioethical and moral, the religious[2] and the legal (and more specifically constitutional) yield many resultant views to the issue. Any lasting resolution, legal or otherwise, then must come from a nuanced, holistic view of the multiple facets of the problem. Indeed, the founding notions of the larger abortion debate, personhood, bodily integrity and autonomy, and the relative significance of rights (individual, fetal and of the putative father) and their holders, are issues of interdisciplinary concern. On the central issue of personhood, for instance, which has found resonance in the Courts specifically in context of the fetal status, it has been remarked that the law and indeed society ignores the personhood of the woman[3], who in that regard at least should have been granted full and unquestioned constitutional standing at par with other women and men. Conversely, when the question of fetal personhood is detached from a moral or spiritual context and is viewed under the medical and bioethical lens in measurable and empirical terms, it is defeated.[4] While the debate rages on with passionate voices and legitimate concerns on either side of the divide, and the groundswell of reason and rhetoric shows no sign of ebbing, it has been recognized that the entire compass of the debate boils down to only the lesser of two difficult tragedies[5]. In this article we shall seek to address the extensive analysis and documentation of the evolution of the abortion jurisprudence as has evolved in the United States of America and then compare as to where India with its fledgling abortion laws stands in perspective. Above all, however, even as we take reader through the rhetoric as it deepens into more and more specific concerns, such as those dealt with in the latter part of this article, the exercise brings home the sobering realization that the law, as a tool, can take us only so far in settling the fundamentals of and the issues surrounding the abortion debate[6]. II. ABORTION: THE PAST AND THE PRESENT A. THE PRE-ROE LANDSCAPE Attitudes towards abortion in the ancient world were, in the whole, accepting of abortion, with few qualms about its practice. Ancient religion placed no bar on abortion and fetal rights were largely unrecognized.[7] Interestingly, however, one of the basic requirements of the Hippocratic Oaths is a categorical one to refrain from the practice of abortion in any form.[8] Early common law, influenced as it was by the philosophic and theological debates of its own of when the fetus was to be considered â€Å"alive†, recognized abortion as a crime only after â€Å"quickening†, that is the point in time at which the fetus becomes capable of discernable and independent movement in utero.[9] This was usually considered to occur between the time frame of 16 and 18 weeks into pregnancy, although no entirely empirical basis for this was offered. When England adopted its first legislation in 1803—Lord Ellenboroughs Act[10]—as it was known, it retained the notion of â€Å"quickening†; using it to mark the distinction between a simple felony, before the incidence of quickening and a capital offence once the fetus is quick. Compare this with the scenario eighteen years after the passage of Ellenboroughs Act. Across the Atlantic in 1821, the US state of Connecticut became the first to adopt an abortion legislation which read much like Ellenboroughs Act. Meanwhile, the state of New York in 1828 passed laws recognizing abortion as an offence (which were to become the prototypical model for early legislation across the United States), albeit of different degrees, both before and after quickening. Further, it recognized and included â€Å"therapeutic abortion† as valid and excusable, thereby guaranteeing some safety measures to expectant mothers in cases where their physicians had reason to believe the mothers own life was at risk.[11] Within the span of a hundred years, however, by the middle of the 20th century, the majority of US States had enacted a complete ban on abortion, save for cases in which the mothers life was at risk. The notion of quickening, a pervasive concept forming the fundamental basis for abortion laws in the not very distant past, came to vanish entirely from the rulebook. In the 1960s and 70s, many US States were beginning to adopt some version or variation of the American Law Institutes Model Penal Code[12], (hereinafter referred to the A.L.I. Model) in which the abortion laws were decisively less stringent than before. In a very broad sense and in only very small measure, womens right to abortion began to reclaim some of its early efficacy. The laws, however, despite their new form, allowed far less opportunity to procure a medical termination of pregnancy than in the past. It was only in 1967 that Colorado became the first state to legalize abortion. [13] This movement towards the A.L.I. Model and more liberalized laws in general was, it must be noted, however, a growing but not universal trend of the time. The State of Texas, which enacted its first abortion legislation in 1840[14], was among the majority which made no movement toward liberalizing their abortion laws. Laws banning abortion, except in the case of tangible risks to the mother, remai ned in place in the majority of US States. Thus before even the rise of an opportunity for a stand-off between the legislature and the judiciary as we shall see in the forthcoming part, there were slow and decisive vacillations in abortion laws which sometimes favored the pro-choice and sometimes favored the pro-life with varying degrees over time. B. ROE v. WADE: THE CONTEXT, CRITICISMS, CONCLUSIONS AND CONSEQUENT DECISIONS Against the backcloth elucidated above, it might be pertinent to look into the landmark judgment and decision of Roe v. Wade.[15](Hereinafter referred to as Roe) Herein an unmarried, pregnant woman, under the pseudonym of Jane Roe, instituted a federal action â€Å"on behalf of herself and all other women† in the March of the year 1970 against the District Attorney of Dallas County, Texas, where she resided, challenging the very constitutionality of the Texas Criminal Abortion Laws. She stated her intent to procure a ‘legal abortion â€Å"performed by a competent, licensed physician, under safe, clinical conditions†[16] and that she would not be able to travel to a jurisdiction which would allow her to obtain an abortion of the aforementioned nature. The case came in federal appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States in December 1971, and on the 22nd of January 1973, the Courts historic seven-two judgement was enunciated by Justice Blackmun. This decision ha s since then taken the shape of a veritable cornerstone in any commentary of the protracted history of abortion debates in the United States. Justice Blackmun gave on behalf of the majority the Courts opinion.[17] The Court recognized, following the decision in Griswold v. Connecticut[18], that a general right to privacy exists, although nowhere explicitly stated, in the US Constitution, and that it is protected by the Fourteenth Amendments Due Process Clause. It read the said right as a â€Å"fundamental† one, being â€Å"broad enough† to cover a womans right to choose whether or not to abort, and only subject to government regulation in the face of some â€Å"compelling† interest of the state ( both the life of the mother and the â€Å"potential life† of the fetus were recognized as â€Å"legitimate† interests). The Court held that State interference in pregnancy is justifiable in the second trimester only to protect maternal health, since at this point; the risks of abortion are greater than those associated with childbirth itself. However, it is only once fetal viability is reached th at the State is granted a â€Å"compelling† interest. At this stage, the complete prohibition of abortion, other than in cases of risk to the expectant mothers health or life, is permissible. The dissenting opinion, given by Justice Rehnquist, however lays down certain criticisms of the judgement. Firstly, that the Court went too far in formulating and applying constitutional rules in terms which were significantly broader than the precise facts of the case warranted. Secondly, the application of the right to privacy in this case was seen as difficult to justify and thirdly, he conceded the applicability of the Fourteenth Amendments Due Process clause to legislations such as the one at hand but goes on to find troubling the Courts â€Å"sweeping invalidation† of restrictions in the first trimester. Further, he stated that the Court had perhaps taken its task too far, leaving the boundaries of judicial judgement and entering onto legislative turf. The resolution of this and other cases by no means signalled the end of the pro-choice journey. As recognized by the courts, safe abortions remain a function of such considerations as race and income. The United States has seen violent attacks against abortion clinics and stigma remains a very real challenge. In spite of it being touted as a landmark judgement, Roe continues to attract criticism from all quarters. Drawing their main premises from the Rehnquist dissent, many, be it proponents or opponents of abortion alike, have questioned the sound basis of the judgement and the consequences of its overly broad and vague contentions[19]. The construction of the doctor-patient relationship and the rights and roles of the two parties (the woman seeking abortion and the medical practitioner) as depicted by the Court was also criticized. There have also been several attempts to overturn the Roe decision. In fact in about a decade leading up to 1992, the United States approached the Court as amicus curiae in five separate cases, to overrule Roe, but the judgment was resoundingly upheld in what would be touted as another landmark: the Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey.[20](hereinafter referred to as Casey) The courts decision was given, in this case, by a triad of judges. This case is one among a very small group to hold that distinction. Justices OConnor, Kennedy and Souter, in their joint opinion, had the following to say: â€Å"After considering the fundamental constitutional questions resolved by Roe, principles of institutional integrity, and the rule of stare decisis, we are led to conclude this: the essential holding of Roe v. Wade should be retained and once again reaffirmed.†[21] Casey, as is evident from the above, upheld the fundamental grounds of the majority decision in Roe. It has even been said that the (joint) opinion has definitively and decidedly put all doubts about the â€Å"basic constitutional question of abortionà ¢â‚¬ .[22]After Casey, the constitutional basis of the womans (qualified) right to abort was no longer negotiable, and no likelihood remained of the Court reconsidering or overturning Roe while, for example, in another, earlier case, the consideration of Roes constitutional merits were only left off for another day[23].It must be noted, however, that the judges in Casey made clear that they were by no means offering an unqualified affirmation of Roe. The Court denounced the prescriptive medical trimester system laid down in Roe and, in its place, enunciated the test of â€Å"undue burden†. Under this test, the State may justifiably place regulations on the procurement of abortion pre-viability as well, in furtherance of its interest in the life (or potential life) of the foetus, provided that the regulations imposed lay down no undue burden on the womans right to procure the abortion, if she so chooses. This right exists even in spite of the fact that the States interests we re deemed in Roe to become compelling only in the third, last trimester of pregnancy, when the court could prohibit abortion, other than when the womans life was in danger. The Courts holdings in Casey came in the context of Pennsylvanias state laws which required parental or spousal notification if a woman desired to procure an abortion. The provisions regarding the former were upheld on the grounds that that they did not impose an undue burden on the pregnant woman and her rights, while the latter was declared unconstitutional by the Court. The broad constitutional questions surrounding the abortion having been addressed in Roe and settled in Casey, more specific issues began to appear before the Courts. In Stenberg v. Carhart[24] (hereinafter referred to as Carhart I), at issue was a Nebraska state statute[25] criminalizing the performance of partial-birth abortions, a particular form of abortion in which the living fetus is delivered partially into the vagina, aborted and then delivery is completed. The statute afforded no exception for cases in which the womans life is at risk. Dr. Leroy Carhart, a medical doctor in the state of Nebraska who performed abortions, brought this suit contending that the provisions of the statute violate the US Federal Constitution. The case came in appeal before the Supreme Court. The Court, in its opinion delivered by Justice Breyer on the 28th of June, 2000, found that the statutes were unconstitutional firstly, because the requisite exception in respect of grave risks to maternal life was entirely absent and secondly, because, in its complete restriction of access to a particular method of abortion, the statute was seen to place an undue burden on the womans right to choose abortion itself. The breadth of the judgement spans a consideration of the various abortion methods available, partial birth abortion being only one among them, and the validity of the ban on partial birth abortion under the statute, referring, as the District Court before it had, to medical definition and policy of the American Medical Association. The judgement also contained a further restatement of the Courts as affirmation of the principles in Roe and Casey. The decision in Carhart I derives much of its value from the fact that the substance of the decision invalidated, for all intents and purposes, similar bans which were at the time in force in the majority of US States. But, subsequently, on the 5th of November, 2003 the United States Congress passed the Partial Birth Abortion Ban Act[26](hereinafter referred to as the Partial Birth Act) criminalizing the performance of partial birth abortions. In spite of the decision in Carhart I, this piece of legislation contained, as did the Nebraska statute which was the subject of the dispute, no exception for the health of the woman. It has also been noted that the language of the Partial Birth Act was very similar to the Nebraska statute[27]. The validity of the Partial Birth Act came up for question in yet another case brought to the courts by Dr. Carhart (and others) challenging its constitutional validity and seeking a permanent injunction against its enforcement, this decision we now call Carhart II[28]. In this instance, Carhart II on appeal from the Eighth Circuit Court and another case, also involving US Attorney General Gonzales and the question of the validity of the Partial Birth Act (such cases w ere referred to as â€Å"facial† attacks or challenges to the statute)[29], with specific reference to the requirement of an exception for cases involving maternal health, Gonzales v. Planned Parenthood Federation Of America, Inc.[30], on appeal from the Ninth Circuit, were consolidated and heard by the Court. The case was closely fought, and the opinion deeply divided. With a majority of five as against four,[31] the judgement went in favour of Attorney General Gonzales—the Act was upheld. As in Carhart I, Justice Kennedy in his statement of the Courts opinion for the majority began with an exposition on the various methods of abortion. The plurality opinion in Casey in relation to State interest was resurrected, but Justice Kennedy made a clear distinction: the Act merely regulated one method of abortion. It placed restrictions on the procurement of abortion itself and, therefore: â€Å"The law saves not a single fetus from destruction, for it targets only a method of performing abortion.†[32]The specific statement of the validity of the Act was justified by Justice Kennedy. He held that the Act was â€Å"not void for vagueness, does not impose an undue burden from any over breadth, and is not invalid on its face.†[33] Justice Thomas and Justice Scalia concurred, and the former in his concurrence states, crucially, that: â€Å"I write separately to reiterate my view that the Courts abortion jurisprudence, including Casey and Roe v. Wade, has no basis in the Constitution.†[34] Justice Ginsburg, with whom Justice Stevens, Justice Souter, and Justice Breyer joined, in an emphatic dissent was in her words â€Å"alarmed†[35] by the Courts decision. She further recognised the weight of the precedent which, in upholding the Act, the Court was ignoring and could not find any fathomable justification for the same. Thirdly, she pointed out the Courts complete and unjustifiable terms, which showed no regard for or recognition ,express or implied, of the hitherto firmly entrenched notion of viability and the distinction and consequences of pre- and post-viability abortion decisions. Lastly, she expressed complete disagreement with what amounted to an absolute sanction of federal intervention and legislation contrary to a specialist bodys, the American College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists (ACOG), professional view that such a procedure was in specific cases required and necessary. Notwithstanding Justice Ginsburgs specific premises of dissent, several others exist. One strong objection to Carhart II is this: Thirty four years after Justice Blackmuns decision in Roe, Justice Kennedys enunciation of the majority opinion in Carhart II marked a return of the Court to its initial stance on the relationship of the woman, vis-à  -vis medical practitioners. The construction of the woman slid from casting her as the primary stakeholder and decision maker as regards termination of pregnancy, as explicitly established in Casey among several other decisions of the Court, to one in which the she acted as her doctor chose. It seems that Carhart II is, by its statements with respect to the womans status and their implications at least, a return to Myra Bradwell[36]-esque rhetoric and reasoning[37], where the womans status and function in society and societal interaction is reduced to a narrow definition, accounting for only her ability to procreate and her role in maternity and child rearing. Another (related) criticism also stems from Justice Kennedys statement as regards the consequences for the prospective mother upon the actual performance of a medical abortion: â€Å"Severe depression and loss of esteem can follow.†[38] No empirical foundation is offered for such an inference; indeed, doubts surrounding the very question of existence of a scientific basis are admitted: the absence of â€Å"reliable data to measure the phenomenon† is explicitly conceded. Roe, since its passage three and a half decades ago, has been a touchstone in the evolution of the body of laws that governed medical termination of pregnancy. Its full scope was whittled down early in its existence, most visibly and explicitly in Casey. But, despite that, its basic premises, its spirit unambiguously prevailed in all of the US Supreme Courts deliberations and pronouncements on the subject. It is a foreseeable consequence, however, that, after Carhart II, movements, especially pro-life advocacy, and their founding impetus will grow in favor of overthrowing Roe or circumventing it, most likely through legislation, as is already beginning to emerge in several US states[39]. The question of whether the vast body of abortion jurisprudence in the United States Courts system will finally at all, let alone conclusively, amount to â€Å"progress† in the field of gender rights and, more particularly, for the cause of female reproductive autonomy has, now, especially aft er Carhart II and Casey taken on a significantly diametric range of possible answers as compared to those that were presumed likely prior to the resolution of these cases. The precise answer is, at this juncture at least, only a product of time. II. FOETAL PAIN LEGISLATION—CONTRACTION OF AUTONOMY FOR PREGNANT WOMEN â€Å"The essence of civilization is this: The strong have a duty to protect the weak. We know that in a culture that does not protect the most dependent, the handicapped, the elderly, the unloved, or simply inconvenient become increasingly vulnerable.† George W. Bush[40] A. A SHORT ANALYSIS OF THE PROVISIONS OF THE UNBORN CHILD PAIN AWARENESS ACT OF 2005 AND THE NEED FOR SUCH A LEGISLATION Though the then Governor Bush who would later become the President of the United States of America was not talking of abortion at all, he was perhaps echoing the sentiments of another President of a by-gone era: Ronald Reagan. The latter in an address had famously said that: â€Å"Medical science doctors confirm that when the lives of the unborn are snuffed out, they often feel pain, pain that is long and agonizing.†[41] With such lofty intentions in mind, to protect the vulnerable perhaps, the Fetal Pain Legislation was introduced in the Senate. The Unborn Child Pain Awareness Act of 2005(hereinafter referred to as the Act) was introduced by Senator Sam Brownback of Kansas in the US Senate on 24th January 2005; being Senate Bill no. 51.[42] This Act aims to punish physicians heavily should they fail to advise women of the potential for fetal pain after 20 weeks gestation.This is done by amending by adding a new chapter titled â€Å"Title XXIX—Unborn Child Pain Awareness† to the Public Health Service Act, first enacted in 1946. There has been a considerable furor over this particular provision in the Act as the medical fraternity is continuously making itself heard that at this stage of gestation, the fetus does not develop the necessary biological mechanism to feel pain as such. Case in point would be a wing of physicians, specialized in embryology and neuro-anatomy, who assert that pain fibers do not start penetrating the cortex before the fetus is 26 weeks old and the sensation of pain would not begin before the 29th week.[43] Nevertheless the Congress ignoring well proven ideas on the same issue, state in the Findings which are a part of the Act that at 20 weeks after fertilization, fetuses have the capability to feel pain and to make the ambit even wider—since the concept of what the fetuses might be ‘feeling might not be ‘pain at all—the Congress in its Findings mentioned that such fetuses might show such stimuli as may be interpreted to show feelings of pain if observed in infants or adults.[44] The requirement of informed consent as laid down is Sec. 2902 of the Act provides for some very stringent and conformist ideas about intimating the pregnant woman regarding the consequences of her action. The provision states the abortion provider or an agent must provide to the pregnant lady with the information that after however many weeks her fetus is into gestation (provided it is more than 20 weeks), such fetus has the necessary physical structures present to feel pain and that such fetus shall feel pain irrespective of whether the pregnant lady has been given pain-averting drugs or general anesthesia. The pregnant lady is to be then given a brochure to be designed by the Department of Health and Human Services and also made to necessarily sign a decision form whereby her decision as to whether or not pain alleviating drugs shall be administered to the fetus directly are recorded for official purposes. This step-by-step method is not only to be compulsorily followed but the pro vision also mentions what the abortion provider or the agent must say in such situations in as many words.[45] The only exception provided to this is in case of Medical Emergencies and such situations which would fall under this exception have also been defined in the Act. As such Medical Emergencies are to mean such situations in the reasonable medical opinion of an abortion provider of imposing a â€Å"serious risk of causing grave and irreversible physical health damage entailing substantial impairment of a major bodily function† if abortion is delayed.[46] Penalties for not substantially following the mandates of these provisions have also been laid down in the Act itself and range from monetary fines to cancelling of licenses.[47] The Act also grants a private right of action to the woman on whom an abortion is performed in violation of the provisions of this Act or her legal guardians in case of an minor or unemancipated woman, to commence a civil action against such ab ortion provider who has acted recklessly or knowingly for actual and punitive damages.[48] If we were to adopt a simple assumption that given a choice between a procedure which would result in inflicting pain upon a fetus and another maybe more expensive procedure which might alleviate the pain a fetus may feel, most women would prefer the latter procedure. If that were to be true, then physicians would regularly administer pain relieving medicines to fetuses as a part of late term abortion procedures. However there is at present no such indication that it happens.[49] Doctors however have been found to routinely providing fetal pain relief drugs quite routinely while performing in-utero surgeries.[50]And here lies precisely the need for a fetal legislation. To explain more elaborately, we can pinpoint the reasons for physicians not administering fetal relief medicines due to broadly three reasons. The first and very pertinent reason would be that physicians do not look at fetuses as their patients and hence do not bother themselves with the problem of alleviating their pain. Secondly, physicians and patients would not be willing to venture into pain relieving methods which would involve higher costs as well as some health risks associated with longer periods of sedation.[51] Also because discussing fetal pain before an abortion might be uncomfortable, even for a physician accustomed to having conversations about sensitive matters with patients, as such abortion has as its purpose the destruction of the fetus, and physicians naturally prefer to discuss matters that patients find reassuring, the default arrangement seems to be that physicians provide no information on fetal pain or fetal pain relief. Thirdly and perhaps a disconnected reason from the other two at that, is the fact that most women did not have enough awareness to realize that there is a possibility, albeit a minor one, that the fetus she is aborting might feel pain during the procedure, much less asking for means to alleviate that pain. However if perhaps women could be provided with the required information that their fetuses may and in all probability do suffer fetal pain while undergoing abortion[52], then they would in most circumstances be persuaded to administer drugs to the fetus. This is assuming that such women would not be indifferent as to whether their fetuses feel pain or not. This would in fact be in line with the testimony of most women who opted for late-term abortions saying that they had to opt for a tragic end to much wanted pregnancies due to other considerations.[53] Even with such factors for women to want administration of pain relieving drugs to the fetus, it has been suggested that they mi ght not be in a position to actively seek out information about the issue of fetal pain, keeping in mind that they have innumerable such considerations clamoring for attention in their minds.[54] Thus legislation requiring the abortion providers to necessarily supply pregnant women of such information and seek their informed consent to administer pain alleviating drugs might right the current skew in the society. B. HOW THE LEGISLATION COULD PASS CONSTITUTIONAL

Comparing Updikes A&P and Joyces Araby Essay -- comparison compare c

Comparing Updike's A & P and Joyce's Araby  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   John Updike's A & P and James Joyce's Araby share many of the same literary traits. The primary focus of the two stories revolves around a young man who is compelled to decipher the difference between cruel reality and the fantasies of romance that play in his head. That the man does, indeed, discover the difference is what sets him off into emotional collapse. One of the main similarities between the two stories is the fact that the main character, who is also the protagonist, has built up incredible, yet unrealistic, expectations of women, having focused upon one in particular towards which he places all his unrequited affection. The expectation these men hold when finally "face to face with their object of worship" (Wells, 1993, p. 127) is what sends the final and crushing blow of reality: The rejection they suffer is far too great for them to bear. Updike is famous for taking other author's works and twisting them so that they reflect a more contemporary flavor. While the story remains the same, the climate is singular only to Updike. This is the reason why there are similarities as well as deviations from Joyce's original piece. Plot, theme and detail are three of the most resembling aspects of the two stories over all other literary components; characteristic of both writers' works, each rendition offers its own unique perspective upon the young man's romantic infatuation. Not only are descriptive phrases shared by both stories, but parallels occur with each ending, as well (Doloff 113). What is even more telling of Updike's imitation of Joyce's Araby is the fact that the A & P title is hauntingly close in pronunciation to the original story's title. T... ...rallels, including the ending self-revelation and climax" (Doloff 255). Works Cited Coulthard, A.R. "Joyce's 'Araby'.," The Explicator, vol. 52, (1994) : Winter, pp.97(3). Doloff, Steven. "Aspects of Milton's 'Paradise Lost' in James Joyce's 'Araby'.," James Joyce Quarterly, vol. 33, (1995) : Fall, pp. 113(3). Doloff, Steven. "Rousseau and the confessions of 'Araby'.," James Joyce Quarterly, vol.33, (1996) : Winter, pp. 255(4). Joyce, James. Dubliners. (New York : Penguin, 1967). Norris, Margot. "Blind streets and seeing houses: Araby's dim glass revisited.," Studies in Short Fiction, vol. 32, (1995) : Summer, pp. 309(10). Updike, John. "A & P." Pigeon Feathers and Other Stories. (New York : Knopf, 1962). Wells, Walter. "John Updike's 'A & P': a return visit to Araby.," Studies in Short Fiction, vol. 30, (1993) : Spring, pp. 127(7).

Behavior Essay

Behavior Essay To Teacher: Shukrya Student Name: Nadeem M7md Grade: 10BB School: ISCS I am writing this essay for Mrs. Shukrya because I acted inappropriately in her class today. Mrs. Shukrya has discussed my misbehavior with me and I understand why I have received this disciplinary assignment. I have also been informed that this essay would be the punishment for any unacceptable behavior in Mrs. Shukrya’s class. The reason Mrs. Shukrya does not tolerate misbehavior is because she cares about me and my success in school.It is important to her that I do well in my classes and earn good grades. It is also important to her that I learn study skills, independent work habits, and self-discipline. Self-discipline is one of the most important things I can learn in school; with that skill I can accomplish many things. I need to learn self-discipline so I can act appropriately in class and progress further toward my goals. Acting silly, goofing off, wasting valuable class time, and act ing immature are all signs of disrespectful behavior – not only toward Mrs.Shukrya,  but also toward my classmates who are trying to get the most out of their education. Along with self-discipline, respect for others is an extremely important thing to learn. I need to realize that there is a time and place for everything. There are times for fun and times for serious work. Mrs. Shukrya’s class is a time for working hard to make good grades and learn study skills. There will be time for fun later – after school and on the weekends – but in class I need to focus on my schoolwork.It may not seem important to me now, but it will be at some point, and Mrs. Shukrya knows this even if I don’t yet. Acting the correct way in class will show respect to my teacher and my classmates. It will also benefit me on many levels. I won’t have to write this essay again, I’ll learn more in class, I’ll get more homework and studying done, and my g rades will improve. However, if I choose to break the rules again, I will have to face the consequences again. That is how life works.

Critical Paper Dulce Et Decorum Est Essay

Wilfred Owen’s Dulce et Decorum Est is a forlorn poem of his experience in the First World War. Owen recounts his story as he and fellow infantrymen march ‘knock-kneed, coughing like hags’ across the wasteland that is the battle front(line 2). Most of the focus is on the exhaustion from battle, but changes attention when ‘hoots’ of gas-shells rain down on their position. Weariness quickly turns to ‘An ecstasy of fumbling’ (line 9) as the soldiers fit their gas masks, but one soldier is not fast enough. Owen then relates his first hand tale and demise of the footman chocking to death from mustard gas. The reader is forced to witness this horrid death and ask ourselves; ‘Dulce et descorum est,/Pro patria mori’ (line 27-28). Lines 1-8 are used to describe a scene of war-torn men on a forced march across a wasteland. Such phrases as, ‘old beggars’, and ‘coughing like hags’ gives the reader an idea of what condition that the infantrymen are in. Such phrases denote a negative image as to associate the infantrymen as vagrants in poor physical condition. With those who ‘lost their boots’ now find themselves ‘blood-shod,’ rather than being bare foot. The word shod is an old English term for shoeing a horse, again negative connotation of the infantrymen as sub-human beings. Lines 5 and 7 give depth to the state of despondency that general infantrymen are in. Owen chooses the phrase ‘Drunk with fatigue’ to show the depth of exhaustion the infantrymen are experiencing. To be drunk, as to be intoxicated with the absolute exhaustion; denoting fatigue as some drug that overwhelms the senses and coordination. They do not give credence to the reality they are in until a gas shell sends them into an ‘ecstasy of fumbling’ for a gas mask. Ecstasy’ is used not to give the connotation of delight and happiness, but rather the stark contrast of frenzy. Lines 9 and 11 end with ‘fumbling’ and ‘stumbling’, respectively, to give depth the infantrymen’s state of condition. Later, in lines 14 and 16, an association is draw between the engulfing gas and a man drowning. Owen depicts a ma n in a green sea drowning (line 14) to be later plunging at him (line 16); both giving the allusion between being engulfed in water or noxious gas. Again, in line 17, Owen asks the reader to ‘pace.. in some smothering dream’; a reoccurring theme of being deprived of air. The second stanza utilizes the most guttural connotation of such words as to describe the corpse. From the ‘gargling†¦froth-corrupted lungs’, to the ‘vile, incurable sores’, Owen wants to galvanize the true wickedness of war. The reader is told of how gas can ‘corrupt lungs’ and put ‘sores on innocent tongues’. This contrast is vital because it depicts how war can taint that which is most holy. In saying that the corpse’s face hung ‘like a devil’s sick of sin,’ gives yet another reference between evil and war, but it has another meaning. To imply the devil would be overwhelmed with such amount of evil implies that one cannot grasp the horrors of war. The poem then ends with a sort of thesis statement that to die for one’s country is neither right nor sweet. Dulce begins as a slow trudge of despondent soldiers, to a fanatic race for safety, then a slow, visceral portrayal of life being wrenched away from man, opposed to the titles suggestion for war hysteria and propaganda. But the main theme is not to just illustrate the dregs of war but to give the reader the truth of war. He makes the reader place themselves on the front line to look death and despair in the eye.

Free Essays on Color Meanings

Color Meanings Green Green is the color of nature. It symbolizes growth, harmony, freshness, and fertility. Green has strong emotional correspondence with safety. Dark green is also commonly associated with money. Green has great healing power. It is the most restful color for the human eye; it can improve vision. Green suggests stability and endurance. Sometimes green denotes lack of experience. Green indicates growth and hope. Green, as opposed to red, means safety; it is the color of free passage in road traffic. Use green to indicate safety when advertising drugs and medical products. Green is directly related to nature, so you can use it to promote 'green' products. Dull, darker green is commonly associated with money, the financial world, banking, and Wall Street. Dark green is associated with ambition, greed, and jealousy. Yellow-green can indicate sickness, cowardice, discord, and jealousy. Aqua is associated with emotional healing and protection. Olive green is the traditional color of peace. Blue Blue is the color of the sky and sea. It is often associated with depth and stability. It symbolizes trust, loyalty, wisdom, confidence, intelligence, faith, truth, and heaven. Blue is considered beneficial to the mind and body. It slows human metabolism and produces a calming effect. Blue is strongly associated with tranquility and calmness. In heraldry, blue is used to symbolize piety and sincerity. You can use blue to promote products and services related to cleanliness (water purification filters, cleaning liquids, vodka), air and sky (airlines, airports, air conditioners), water and sea (sea voyages, mineral water). As opposed to emotionally warm colors like red, orange, and yellow; blue is linked to consciousness and intellect. Use blue to suggest precision when promoting high-tech products. Blue is a masculine color; according to studies, it is highly accepted among males. Dark blue is associated with depth,... Free Essays on Color Meanings Free Essays on Color Meanings Color Meanings Green Green is the color of nature. It symbolizes growth, harmony, freshness, and fertility. Green has strong emotional correspondence with safety. Dark green is also commonly associated with money. Green has great healing power. It is the most restful color for the human eye; it can improve vision. Green suggests stability and endurance. Sometimes green denotes lack of experience. Green indicates growth and hope. Green, as opposed to red, means safety; it is the color of free passage in road traffic. Use green to indicate safety when advertising drugs and medical products. Green is directly related to nature, so you can use it to promote 'green' products. Dull, darker green is commonly associated with money, the financial world, banking, and Wall Street. Dark green is associated with ambition, greed, and jealousy. Yellow-green can indicate sickness, cowardice, discord, and jealousy. Aqua is associated with emotional healing and protection. Olive green is the traditional color of peace. Blue Blue is the color of the sky and sea. It is often associated with depth and stability. It symbolizes trust, loyalty, wisdom, confidence, intelligence, faith, truth, and heaven. Blue is considered beneficial to the mind and body. It slows human metabolism and produces a calming effect. Blue is strongly associated with tranquility and calmness. In heraldry, blue is used to symbolize piety and sincerity. You can use blue to promote products and services related to cleanliness (water purification filters, cleaning liquids, vodka), air and sky (airlines, airports, air conditioners), water and sea (sea voyages, mineral water). As opposed to emotionally warm colors like red, orange, and yellow; blue is linked to consciousness and intellect. Use blue to suggest precision when promoting high-tech products. Blue is a masculine color; according to studies, it is highly accepted among males. Dark blue is associated with depth,...

Hurricane vs. Blizzards Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Hurricane vs. Blizzards - Essay Example As a result, the occurrence is even a threat to human life that depends on these items (Halmer and Oplinger, 2001). The hurricanes, realized through cyclically moving storms, are seasonal occurrences that are unpredictable. The unpredictability relates to the dynamism with respect to the nature and extent of a particular occurrence. A hurricane â€Å"can quickly change its speed, direction, and intensity† (Brainworks, 2009, p. 14). Besides, reliable predictions are only possible from an already developed hurricane. This means that it is not possible to make predictions prior enough for adequate safety measures (Brainworks, 2009). Hurricanes are also associated with geographical vulnerability of areas as some areas are more vulnerable than others are. This explains the reason for repeated occurrence in some areas while other areas do not experience hurricanes. Its occurrence includes a gradually increasing strength of current that temporarily ceases. Some of the common impacts of hurricanes are â€Å"wind damage and flooding† (Halmer and Oplinger, 2001, p. 87). Blizzards are also examples of extreme weather conditions. Halmer and Oplinger explain that a blizzard is a less severe version of a hurricane and is identifiable by features such as duration, and visibility of the surrounding. A characteristic storm that goes beyond three hours for example identifies a blizzard and not a hurricane. The blizzards however have a relatively lower current speed of less than 40 miles per hour. Another characteristic feature of the blizzards that distinguishes them from hurricanes is the extensive formation of mist in the environment to a degree that impairs vision. Blizzards therefore results in longer hours of snow, and a misty environment that blurs vision. The phenomenon is associated with geographical vulnerability with repeated occurrences reported in specific areas. Lehigh valley in Pennsylvania is an example of areas that have repeatedly experienced blizzards in

Independent Journal Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Independent Journal - Essay Example Presently, there is a significant evolution of the issue of medical marijuana use in the region. The author gives a great illustration of how the medical marijuana hawkers carry out their roles in the boardwalk in Venice Beach. The individuals spot green uniform and host bright green leave signs advertising doctors to the passing crowds. Primarily, the referred doctors offer the drug at a fair price of $40 and provide legally required physician recommendation to acquire the drug. The doctors are often located on the pot shops and are present everywhere in the public. Following California, several other states legalized the use of medical marijuana and as well established their regulation measures regarding its production and distribution. Florida is one of those states and its marijuana project is expected to be huge for it has many patients who may require the drugs in comparison to other states. The marijuana stakeholders encompass of the manufacturer, the treatment center, the advertisers and the customers. The producers plant and distribute the drug to the customers. The advertisers help get the products to the consumers and advise them on its availability. The doctors, on the other hand, recommend the drug in right quantity to the customers and the consumers are primarily the patients in requiring the drug. They comprise of the epileptic people, the cancer patients among others who suffers diseases associated with a lot of pain. The established measures and rules in relation to the drug should be adhered to in order to eliminate chances of the drug abuse. The concerned authorities need to ensure that the drug is only consumed by the targeted clients and that it is given on necessary cases. The doctors need to be held accountable for the drugs issued and any other party in the drug admission cycle. The concerned parties should not only focus on maximizing their profits but also observe the health needs of the clients they serve. The article